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Nap Deutsch

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Lernen Sie die Übersetzung für 'nap' in LEOs Englisch ⇔ Deutsch Wörterbuch. Mit Flexionstabellen der verschiedenen Fälle und Zeiten ✓ Aussprache und. Übersetzung Englisch-Deutsch für nap im PONS Online-Wörterbuch nachschlagen! Gratis Vokabeltrainer, Verbtabellen, Aussprachefunktion. Englisch-Deutsch-Übersetzungen für nap im Online-Wörterbuch freshspirit.be (​Deutschwörterbuch). Übersetzung für 'to take a nap' im kostenlosen Englisch-Deutsch Wörterbuch und viele weitere Deutsch-Übersetzungen. Viele übersetzte Beispielsätze mit "nap" – Deutsch-Englisch Wörterbuch und Suchmaschine für Millionen von Deutsch-Übersetzungen.

Nap Deutsch

Übersetzung von nap – Englisch–Deutsch Wörterbuch. nap. noun. /nӕp/. ○. a short sleep. das Nickerchen. She always has a nap after lunch. Übersetzung im Kontext von „nap“ in Englisch-Deutsch von Reverso Context: take a nap, nap file, nap client, nap files, taking a nap. Viele übersetzte Beispielsätze mit "nap" – Deutsch-Englisch Wörterbuch und Suchmaschine für Millionen von Deutsch-Übersetzungen. Viele übersetzte Beispielsätze mit "take a nap" – Deutsch-Englisch Wörterbuch und Suchmaschine für Millionen von Deutsch-Übersetzungen. Übersetzung für 'nap' im kostenlosen Englisch-Deutsch Wörterbuch von LANGENSCHEIDT – mit Beispielen, Synonymen und Aussprache. Übersetzung im Kontext von „nap“ in Englisch-Deutsch von Reverso Context: take a nap, nap file, nap client, nap files, taking a nap. Übersetzung von nap – Englisch–Deutsch Wörterbuch. nap. noun. /nӕp/. ○. a short sleep. das Nickerchen. She always has a nap after lunch. NAP steht für: Natrium-Pentobarbital, ein Betäubungsmittel, siehe Pentobarbital · National Normaal Amsterdams Peil, (Amsterdamer Pegel), eine deutsche Bezeichnung für den Nullpunkt einer Höhenfestlegung in Amsterdam, die See D. New Words revenge spending. If the system does not have or is unable Garmisch Parten develop capabilities commensurate with these added loads, the Online Texas Holdem may be mutual frustration and hostility. Deutsch and L. Transient changes in basal cortisol concentrations related to daytime naps, car trips, and separation in older infants.

See also: nap , nape , neap , nappa. See details and add a comment. Reverso Team. I'll just grab a nap. Meier's having a little nap again during the lesson.

Siesta halten. Mittagsschlaf halten. To add entries to your own vocabulary , become a member of Reverso community or login if you are already a member.

It's easy and only takes a few seconds:. Or sign up in the traditional way. Join Reverso. We used to take "A Nap " pretty regularly of an evening, and must now forgo this simple luxury.

He naps away most of his classes. This windfall of words will make you rich with knowledge. Mine your memory on the words from July 27 to August 2!

Origin of nap 1 before ; Middle English nappen v. Words nearby nap nanua , nanus , Naoise , Naomi , naos , nap , napa , napa cabbage , Napaeae , napalm , Napata.

Origin of nap 3 shortened form. Words related to nap intermission , pause , nod , catnap , spot , rest , interlude , break , doze , respite , shuteye , siesta , snooze , wale , fiber , grit , feel , warp , roughness , down.

Example sentences from the Web for nap Moreover, a preparatory nap counteracts the effects of sleep deprivation better than a nap taken after the missed sleep.

Double Challenge James Arthur Kjelgaard. Garman and Worse Alexander Lange Kielland. Leaves of Life Margaret Bird Steinmetz.

Once they finished their meals, they dispersed into small groups to resume their routines or to take naps. From the Cambridge English Corpus.

Transient changes in basal cortisol concentrations related to daytime naps, car trips, and separation in older infants. These examples are from the Cambridge English Corpus and from sources on the web.

Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors.

The verbs for these items were : bark, comb, count, climb, cry, drink, drive, eat, hide, laugh, read, ride, run, swim, take a nap , and yell.

Presumably the shepherd is having an after-lunch nap while his dog keeps watch on the flock. She settled on my chest in a comfortable position, as she would have done had she been napping on my son.

It is possible indeed that age effects would completely disappear if nap sleep were estimated more accurately. Infants and toddlers have different daily schedules, but all children share a am wake-up, a 1 - 3 pm afternoon nap , and an 8 pm bedtime.

I hypothesize that already in young infants sleep tendency increases in the course of the day despite intermittent decreases of sleep pressure as a result of daytime naps.

Having unpacked, we both collapsed onto our narrow iron bedsteads for a brief nap and a serious planning session of our culture and entertainment for the week.

The dried teazle head brings up the nap on high quality cloth, the demand for which is growing because of the current snooker boom.

From the Hansard archive. Example from the Hansard archive. Contains Parliamentary information licensed under the Open Parliament Licence v3. I believe that the shipbuilders have been caught napping over the sudden popularity of the very large tankers.

So we are tough as nails with smokers, but are caught napping when it comes to hard drugs. From Europarl Parallel Corpus - English.

Lawyers are anxious they should not be caught napping in declaring the title absolute. I admit that we have been caught napping.

One of the difficulties now is that, even though the fishermen are ready to find them, they catch the fishermen napping.

See all examples of nap. Translations of nap in Chinese Traditional. Need a translator? Translator tool. What is the pronunciation of nap?

Browse nanoparticle BETA. Test your vocabulary with our fun image quizzes. Image credits. Word of the Day chirpy. Blog Spotless or squalid?

Read More. New Words revenge spending. August 03, In his relations with students Deutsch was interactive, nurturant, generative. He truly cared about his students and former students.

Above and beyond normal expectations, he helped them with the challenges of getting a job,. He wrote many articles and books with students and junior colleagues, during which he shared work and authorship equitably.

Perhaps the most unkind comment any of his former students could recall him making concerned a senior colleague who, he said, was the sort who never sends the elevator back down.

Although his work contributed directly or indirectly to many different aspects of political science, in several areas his work revolutionized scholarly thought and research: largescale political community formation at the national and international levels; cybernetic approaches to politics and society; and the development and use of quantitative data to test and reformulate political theories.

Doubtless in response to his observation of the horrors brought to Europe by narrowminded nationalism before and during the Second World War, Deutsch early in his career focused his emotional and intellectual energies on issues involving nationalism and the formation of large-scale political communities.

Indeed, he wrote his doctoral dissertation on nationalism—a brave decision given both the flood of past writing on the topic and the strong emotions it engendered among even the most intellectual of scholars.

What was perhaps even more innovative at the time, he tested his conjectures against quantitative data from the real world. New data derived from four case studies of national.

For many years the paradigm offered by Deutsch in these books and elsewhere 7 dominated the scholarly study of nation building and international integration.

Each individual member had worked on a case study of national integration or disintegration but the various pieces were essentially an accumulation of case studies.

Deutsch was invited to join the project with the specific hope that, by applying his historical knowledge of nationalism and his concepts derived from the study of communication in societies, he could integrate these disparate pieces.

Indeed, in some cases unified government may even damage the prospects for peace. Deutsch focused attention on two possible sources of failure.

First, if unification is undertaken before certain necessary or desirable background conditions exist the outcome may be conflict and a breakdown of the association.

Second, if unification occurs among unequal partners, their association may lend a degree of rigidity and legitimacy to the exploitation of the weak by the strong.

Picking up an earlier strand of political thought from Hugo Grotius, Deutsch argued that no axiomatic relationship exists between anarchy and war.

Indeed, historical evidence suggests that ineffective or premature efforts to mitigate anarchy may even cause war.

Using the language of communications theory, Deutsch showed that amalgamation engenders transactions that increase loads on a governmental system. If the system does not have or is unable to develop capabilities commensurate with these added loads, the consequence may be mutual frustration and hostility.

Accordingly, the search for world government can become self-defeating. This concern, derived from his theoretic study of communications and his empirical examination of nationalism.

The project rested on systematic interviews with French and West German political and economic leaders, studies of public opinion, and quantitative analyses of the press in four countries.

It sought to determine existing trends and then to project these trends into the short-range future. On the basis of this research Deutsch cautioned against further immediate steps toward unification.

Strong ties among unequal partners, Deutsch argued, also carried dangers. Although a structure that enforces a rigorous division of labor between the masters and the enslaved may indeed enhance the overall production in a society, the appearance of stability may be deceptive.

In the global system, too, members of some nation-states, especially those with poorly developed economic systems, fear that their involvement in the world economy and the political system produces an extremely disproportionate distribution of benefits both globally and within their own states.

This leads them to question the legitimacy of the prevailing structures. At the same time, however, the costs of dissociating themselves from those structures can be immense.

These conflicting demands, anticipated by Deutsch and manifested under the pressures. Analyses directed against the industrialized states, which were perceived as benefiting most in the long run from the status quo, became commonplace, as did strident exhortations to the less developed world to dissociate itself from the prevailing system, whatever the immediate cost might be.

Deutsch insisted on scientific analysis directed to the central questions: How accurately did conflicting interpretations of this great dilemma reflect the real world?

How could we devise means to ascertain the direction and speed of current developments? In addition to his cool analysis of the assumptions and logic of theories about dependency and structural imperialism, 12 Deutsch forced scholars to search for objective, reproducible, and when possible, quantitative data with which to test assertions and the theories themselves.

Although the field of cybernetics was first developed by Norbert Wiener of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Deutsch spelled out the political implications of cybernetics in a series of impressive articles that formed the basis for The Nerves of Government.

Applying cybernetics to politics made crystal clear the need for data—impersonal, replicable, quantitative—to test significant propositions derived from major theories.

Deutsch assembled data on population movements, language assimilation, and the flow of such international transactions as trade and mail.

First, it was necessary to use data that, however insufficient they might be, could be obtained fairly readily to show that the entire notion had intellectual merit and theoretic promise.

Third, since no single scholar could accomplish the task of assembling adequate data relevant to political theories, data programs should comprise multidisciplinary and, Deutsch hoped, multinational research teams.

Fourth, new techniques must be developed to analyze the data in a theoretically meaningful way. Deutsch was in the forefront of all these developments, which he viewed as simultaneous, mutually reinforcing, and requiring prodigious organizational and intellectual work.

With the intellectual collaboration of Harold D. Lasswell and the practical support of two younger political scientists, Richard L.

Merritt and Bruce M. Its first major publication, World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators, 15 provided a massive body of data that was drawn on in numerous scholarly articles by Deutsch, Russett, and others in contributions to the development of empirical theory.

For one thing, Deutsch together with Stein Rokkan and others helped to create a series of conferences to discuss questions of quantitative data, data banks, and social science theory.

Many of these resulted in substantial volumes that contributed to what some have called the data movement. Returning to the concept of steersmanship: Nation-states can act in ways to enhance or diminish the chances of war.

Steersmanship is even more possible when we have data and models for projecting nation-state behavior into the future.

Only in recent years have scholars developed databased econometric and sociometric models sufficiently sophisticated to permit reasonably accurate forecasting and hypothetical adjustments of variables to stimulate contingent futures.

The possibility of creating comprehensive models. The possibility of global modeling intrigued Deutsch not only because of the challenge it posed but no doubt also because it brought together all his interests and skills: a concern with preventing the outbreak of violence, the need of nation-states for strategic roadmaps to help them steer their way in the global system, and a focus on generating hypotheses about human behavior, testable by data from the real world, that can be used to model social processes.

Early efforts at global modeling he found disappointing because of their questionable assumptions and lack of attention to key social and especially political variables.

The next logical step, then, was to create the organizational framework to make global modeling more useful for political decision makers.

The opportunity came in when Deutsch was asked to help found and co-direct the International Institute for Comparative Social Research of the Science Center Berlin.

There he created a research team on global modeling with the aim of producing a functioning, computerized model of global society based not only on an integrated set of mathematical equations but also on hard data about political and social processes.

Advances in global modeling with the stress on data and the use of increasingly sophisticated modes of mathematical analysis have revolutionized the study of politics.

Deutsch was at the forefront of this movement. His own research broke new paths, and his teaching inspired others to push out even farther the frontiers of knowledge.

His organizational efforts at the international level helped to create a worldwide network of scholars and data-based research programs that have provided a firm basis for still further developments.

Here again, as in all his teaching, lectures, and writing, Karl Deutsch displayed his deep commitment to the development and use of knowledge for the betterment of humankind.

Cambridge, Mass. Deutsch, S. Burrell, R. Kann, M. Lee, Jr. Lichterman, R. Lindgren, F. Loewenheim, and R. Princeton, N.

New York: Free Press, ; 2nd ed. Deutsch and L. Stanford, Calif. The Analysis of International Relations. Englewood Cliffs, N.

Boston: Houghton Mifflin, ; 3rd ed. See, for example, K. Deutsch and W. Foltz, eds. Nation Building. New York: Atherton Press, ; K.

Nationalism and Its Alternatives. New York: Knopf, ; K. Nationenbildung-Nationalstaat-Integration, ed.

Ashkenasi and P. Düsseldorf: Bertelsmann Universitätsverlag, ; and numerous articles. Deutsch spelled out his own ideas in Political Community at the International Level.

Garden City, N. A few of those were B. New Haven, Conn. The Trauma of Decolonization: The Dutch and. West New Guinea.

Symbols of American Community, — New York: Random House, ; H. The Political Transformation of Tanganyika, — New York: Praeger, ; G. National Consciousness in Divided Germany.

Beverly Hills, Calif. Disjoined Partners: Austria and Germany since Berkeley Hills: University of California Press, A recent example is B.

Russett and J. New York: Norton, A summary of the findings is K. Integration and arms control in the European political environment: A summary report.

The main publications of the project are K. Deutsch, L. Edinger, R. Macridis, and R. New York: Scribner, ; K. New York: Wiley, ; B. Russett and C.

Denver, Colo. Merritt and D. Puchala, eds. New York: Praeger, ; and J. Namenwirth and T. Elite editorial comment on the European and Atlantic communities in four countries.

Stone, D. Dunphy, M. Smith, and D. Ogilvie with associates, pp. Imperialism and neocolonialism. Isard and T. Fogarty 23 :1— Toward an inventory of basic trends and patterns in comparative and international politics.

For its underpinnings, see K. Deutsch, H. Lasswell, R. Merritt, and B. The Yale Political Data Program.

Merritt and S. Rokkan, pp. Russett, H. Alker, Jr. Deutsch, and H. World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators.

Subsequent editions are C. Taylor and M. World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators, 2nd ed. Taylor and D.

World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators, 3rd ed. See D. Jodice, C. Taylor, and K. An earlier review is B.

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Nap Deutsch - "nap" Deutsch Übersetzung

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Nap Deutsch Video

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